This Is an Uprising How Nonviolent Revolt Is Shaping the TwentyFirst Century (Audible Audio Edition) Mark Engler Paul Engler Graham Halstead Tantor Audio Books
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Strategic nonviolent action has reasserted itself as a potent force in shaping public debate and forcing political change. Whether it is an explosive surge of protest calling for racial justice in the United States or a demand for democratic reform in Hong Kong or Mexico, when mass movements erupt onto our television screens, the media portrays them as being as spontaneous and unpredictable.
In This Is an Uprising, political analysts Mark and Paul Engler uncover the organization and well-planned strategies behind such outbursts of protest, examining core principles that have been used to spark and guide moments of transformative unrest.
This Is an Uprising traces the evolution of civil resistance, providing new insights into the contributions of early experimenters such as Mohandas Gandhi and Martin Luther King, Jr.; groundbreaking theorists such as Gene Sharp and Frances Fox Piven; and contemporary practitioners who have toppled repressive regimes. Drawing from discussions with activists now working to defend human rights, challenge corporate corruption, and combat climate change, the Englers show how people with few resources and little influence in conventional politics can nevertheless engineer momentous upheavals.
This Is an Uprising How Nonviolent Revolt Is Shaping the TwentyFirst Century (Audible Audio Edition) Mark Engler Paul Engler Graham Halstead Tantor Audio Books
This had been recommended by the UU's for a webinar and I got it early to review. There are some choice nuggets of experiential insight worth slogging through the book to find. As university professor of group dynamics, I found the apostle-like reverence to a couple of strategizers in the 1960s somewhat disturbing from an academic perspective. On the other hand, I deeply appreciated the section reflecting on quantitative research that supports the effectiveness of civil disobedience. It was never right to have called it something else. The magic of this strategy is that it completely disarms the enemy because the rules of the game have been changed. And only the opposer knows the new rules.I endorse this book as a nice introduction to the how-to literature on social disobedience and revolution, for those who do not know the history.
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This Is an Uprising How Nonviolent Revolt Is Shaping the TwentyFirst Century (Audible Audio Edition) Mark Engler Paul Engler Graham Halstead Tantor Audio Books Reviews
I studied nonviolence in college and this book distills, summarizes and updates these topics for today. An excellent read with real world examples that prompted me to take individual and more strategic action.
This is a book to be studied, not just read but studied. The authors managed to create a guide into the art of peaceful protest and nonviolent revolt without being boring or too scholarly. The reader has no difficulty following the author’s message because the chapters move with such fluidity. Anyone who cares about grassroots organizing or mass movements for social change should read this book. I have a feeling this may become my choice for book of the year.
This is an Uprising is an important book for our generation. Mark Engler does a fantastic job of researching and discussing the history of non-violent protests in the United States, giving the reader a well-rounded view of current protests in the media. I was fascinated throughout the entire book, and learned a great deal about the Civil Rights' Movement and the importance of student protests. I would highly recommend this book to anyone who works in the public sector or with students.
Everyone who marched in the Women's Marches should read this! It is important to educate the uprising about the various strategies needed to bring about social transformation.
I was inspired and enlightened by this book, but also dismayed at the absence of any mention of Alice Paul and her use of strategic disruption, conflict, and escalation. I see this as a glaring omission not only historically but also in terms of how profoundly her nonviolent direct action approaches to social change impacted Martin Luther King, the civil rights movement, and protests of the 20th and 21st centuries. Ms. Paul's Women's Party and their successful campaign to finally win the right to vote for women in 1920 illustrates, in my opinion, many of the principles you are advocating as having potential for transformational change today. Yet there is not even a footnote about Alice Paul.
The authors of UPRISING, however, are not alone. As a woman and a powerful one, Alice Paul has been overlooked and forgotten for her role in women's rights and in social protests. Yet she and her followers virtually invented the tactics of nonviolent disobedience that shaped the 20th century. I am curious as to why the authors chose to overlook her?
Should the Englers decide to do a second edition of the book, I suggest that serious gap be corrected. Although there are a few excellent books on Alice Paul, the most recent one I read was A WOMAN'S CRUSADE by Mary Walton, 2016. Ms. Walton lives in Philadelphia so I was surprised that the author of UPRISING (also based in Philadelphia) was not aware of her work or did not consider referencing it.
The new book This Is An Uprising How Nonviolent Revolt Is Shaping the Twenty-First Century by Mark Engler and Paul Engler is a terrific survey of direct action strategies, bringing out many of the strengths and weaknesses of activist efforts to effect major change in the United States and around the world since well before the twenty-first century. It should be taught in every level of our schools.
This book makes the case that disruptive mass movements are responsible for more positive social change than is the ordinary legislative "endgame" that follows. The authors examine the problem of well-meaning activist institutions becoming too well established and shying away from the most effective tools available. Picking apart an ideological dispute between institution-building campaigns of slow progress and unpredictable, immeasurable mass protest, the Englers find value in both and advocate for a hybrid approach exemplified by Otpor, the movement that overthrew Milosevic.
When I worked for ACORN, I saw our members achieve numerous substantive victories, but I also saw the tide moving against them. City legislation was overturned at the state level. Federal legislation was blocked by war madness, financial corruption, and a broken communications system. Leaving ACORN, as I did, to work for the doomed presidential campaign of Dennis Kucinich might look like a reckless, non-strategic choice -- and maybe it was. But bringing prominence to one of the very few voices in Congress saying what was needed on numerous issues has a value that may be impossible to measure with precision, yet some have been able to quantify.
This Is An Uprising looks at a number of activist efforts that may at first have appeared defeats and were not. I've listed previously some examples of efforts that people thought were failures for many years. The Englers' examples involve more rapid revelation of success, for those willing and able to see it. Gandhi's salt march produced little in the way of solid commitments from the British. Martin Luther King's campaign in Birmingham failed to win its demands from the city. But the salt march had an international impact, and the Birmingham campaign a national impact far greater than the immediate results. Both inspired widespread activism, changed many minds, and won concrete policy changes well beyond the immediate demands. The Occupy movement didn't last in the spaces occupied, but it altered public discourse, inspired huge amounts of activism, and won many concrete changes. Dramatic mass action has a power that legislation or one-on-one communication does not. I made a similar case recently in arguing against the idea that peace rallies fail where counter-recruitment succeeds.
The authors point to disruption, sacrifice, and escalation as key components of a successful momentum-building action, while readily admitting that not everything can be predicted. A plan of escalated disruption that involves sympathetic sacrifice by nonviolent actors, if adjusted as circumstances call for, has a chance. Occupy could have been Athens, instead of Birmingham or Selma, if the New York police had known how to control themselves. Or perhaps it was the skill of the Occupy organizers that provoked the police. In any case, it was the brutality of the police, and the willingness of the media to cover it, that produced Occupy. The authors note Occupy's many ongoing victories but also that it shrank when its public places were taken away. In fact, even as Occupiers continued to hold public space in numerous towns, its announced death in the media was accepted by those still engaged in it, and they gave up their occupations quite obediently. The momentum was gone.
An action that gains momentum, as Occupy did, taps into the energy of many people who, as the Englers write, are newly outraged by what they learn about injustice. It also, I think, taps into the energy of many people long outraged and waiting for a chance to act. When I helped organize "Camp Democracy" in Washington, D.C., in 2006, we were a bunch of radicals ready to occupy D.C. for peace and justice, but we were thinking like organizations with major resources. We were thinking about rallies with crowds bussed in by labor unions. So, we planned a wonderful lineup of speakers, arranged permits and tents, and brought together a tiny crowd of those already in agreement. We did a few disruptive actions, but that wasn't the focus. It should have been. We should have disrupted business as usual in a way carefully designed to make the cause sympathetic rather than resented or feared.
When many of us planned an occupation of Freedom Plaza in Washington, D.C., in 2011 we had somewhat bigger plans for disruption, sacrifice, and escalation, but in the days just before we set up camp, those New York police put Occupy in the news at a 1,000-year flood level. An occupy camp appeared nearby us in D.C., and when we marched through the streets, people joined us, because of what they'd seen from New York on their televisions. I'd never witnessed that before. A lot of the actions we engaged in were disruptive, but we may have had too much of a focus on the occupation. We celebrated the police backing down on efforts to remove us. But we needed a way to escalate.
We also, I think, refused to accept that where the public sympathy had been created was for victims of Wall Street. Our original plan had involved what we saw as an appropriately large focus on war, in fact on the interlocking evils that King identified as militarism, racism, and extreme materialism. The dumbest action I was part of was probably our attempt to protest a pro-war exhibit at the Air and Space Museum. It was dumb because I sent people straight into pepper spray and should have scouted ahead to avoid that. But it was also dumb because even relatively progressive people were, in that moment, unable to hear the idea of opposing war, much less opposing the glorification of militarism by museums. They couldn't even hear the idea of opposing the "puppets" in Congress. One had to take on the puppet masters to be understood at all, and the puppet masters were the banks. "You switched from banks to the Smithsonian!?" In fact, we'd never focused on banks, but explanations weren't going to work. What was needed was to accept the moment.
What made that moment still looks, in large part, like luck. But unless smart strategic efforts are made to create such moments, they don't happen on their own. I'm not sure we can announce on day 1 of anything "This is an uprising!" but we can at least continually ask ourselves "Is this an uprising?" and keep ourselves aimed toward that goal.
This book's subtitle is "How Nonviolent Revolt Is Shaping the Twenty-First Century." But nonviolent revolt as opposed to what? Virtually nobody is proposing violent revolt in the United States. Mostly this book is proposing nonviolent revolt rather than nonviolent compliance with the existing system, nonviolent tweaking of it within its own rules. But cases are also examined of nonviolent overthrows of dictators in various countries. The principles of success seem to be identical regardless of the type of government a group is up against.
But there is, of course, advocacy for violence in the United States -- advocacy so enormous that no one can see it. I've been teaching a course on war abolition, and the most intractable argument for the massive U.S. investment in violence is "What if we have to defend ourselves from a genocidal invasion?"
So it would have been nice had the authors of This Is An Uprising addressed the question of violent invasions. If we were to remove from our culture the fear of the "genocidal invasion," we could remove from our society trillion-dollar-a-year militarism, and with it the primary promotion of the idea that violence can succeed. The Englers note the damage that straying into violence does to nonviolent movements. Such straying would end in a culture that ceased believing violence can succeed.
I have a hard time getting students to go into much detail about their feared "genocidal invasion," or to name examples of such invasions. In part this may be because I preemptively go into great length about how World War II might have been avoided, what a radically different world from today's it occurred in, and how successful nonviolent actions were against the Nazis when attempted. Because, of course, "genocidal invasion" is mostly just a fancy phrase for "Hitler." I asked one student to name some genocidal invasions not engaged in or contributed to by either the U.S. military or Hitler. I reasoned that genocidal invasions produced by the U.S. military couldn't fairly be used to justify the U.S. military's existence.
I tried to produce my own list. Erica Chenoweth cites the Indonesian invasion of East Timor, where armed resistance failed for years but nonviolent resistance succeeded. A Syrian invasion of Lebanon was ended by nonviolence in 2005. Israel's genocidal invasions of Palestinian lands, while fueled by U.S. weapons, have been resisted more successfully thus far by nonviolence than violence. Going back in time, we could look at the Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia 1968 or the German invasion of the Ruhr in 1923. But most of these, I was told, are not proper genocidal invasions. Well, what are?
My student gave me this list "The Great Sioux War of 1868, The Holocaust, Israel's genocidal invasions of Palestinian lands." I objected that one was U.S.-armed in recent years, one was Hitler, and one was many many years ago. He then produced the alleged example of Bosnia. Why not the even more common case of Rwanda, I don't know. But neither was an invasion exactly. Both were completely avoidable horrors, one used as an excuse for war, one allowed to continue for the purpose of a desired regime change.
This is the book that I think we still need, the book that asks what works best when your nation is invaded. How can the people of Okinawa remove the U.S. bases? Why couldn't the people of the Philippines keep them out after they did remove them? What would it take for the people of the United States to remove from their minds the fear of "genocidal invasion" that dumps their resources into war preparations that produce war after war, risking nuclear apocalypse?
Do we dare tell the Iraqis they must not fight back while our bombs are falling? Well, no, because we ought to be engaged 24-7 in trying to stop the bombing. But the supposed impossibility of advising Iraqis of a more strategic response than fighting back, oddly enough, constitutes a central defense of the policy of building more and more bombs with which to bomb the Iraqis. That has to be ended.
For that we'll need a This Is An Uprising that objects to U.S. empire.
This had been recommended by the UU's for a webinar and I got it early to review. There are some choice nuggets of experiential insight worth slogging through the book to find. As university professor of group dynamics, I found the apostle-like reverence to a couple of strategizers in the 1960s somewhat disturbing from an academic perspective. On the other hand, I deeply appreciated the section reflecting on quantitative research that supports the effectiveness of civil disobedience. It was never right to have called it something else. The magic of this strategy is that it completely disarms the enemy because the rules of the game have been changed. And only the opposer knows the new rules.
I endorse this book as a nice introduction to the how-to literature on social disobedience and revolution, for those who do not know the history.
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